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BitDefender announces the availability of its new 2009 range of security products, as previously composed of three products: BitDefender Antivirus 2009, BitDefender Internet Security 2009 and BitDefender Total Security 2009. The range is enriched including additions to the high-end product, Total Security, which gets a module for the protection of sensitive data by a 256-bit AES algorithm and protection of instant messaging, allowing including encrypting exchanges. The real-time protection is in turn improved the level of defence proactive, and subsequently helps protect a centralized all PC LAN.
Other improvements include a “laptop” which automatically postpones maintenance tasks or analysis when programmed laptop batteries east mode, a new detection system integrated with the intrusions firewall (which also gets support for IPv6), a new interface standard mode, and improved performance and the conosmmation resources. The range BitDefender 2009 is available at a price of 35.95 euros for the TTC version Antivirus, 53.95 euros TTC for the Internet Security and 55.95 euros for the TTC version Total Security.
I purchased bitdefender Internet Security 2009 and it is a terrible product. It has caused problems with my internet connection, Gmail, the auto-scan does not work, customer service is terrible and they won’t refund my money. I will never buy another bitdefender product and suggest no one else does either.
How can this new iterateraition of an old threat get by up to date real-time anti virus scanners? I’ve now seen it infect systems running up to date Avast and also Micro Trend Officescan. I would image it has passed through others.
From what I understand, this is the same crap as XP Antivirus 2007 and 2008. Also have read that it morphs into Antivirus VIP. Anyway, I’m mainly confused as to how it it bypassing scanners? I suspect (because I was not present when the infection occurred) that when an infected web page popped up a message to click on a link to download a repair for the poor users infected system, that they clicked on it and {purposely} installed the virus. But still, it seems to disable resident scanners.
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Tags: 2009, Announces, Antivirus, BitDefender, INTERNET, security, Software, Total, windows
need serious help I recieved a message a few days ago ” my computer is infected” I believe it is the antivirus pro 2009. I have installed the windows one care live trial and scanned and removed everything, so I thought and my internet explorer is hijacked. Can someone please give me some advice on how I could correct this. I don’t exactly have the means to pay anyone at this time so any advice would be great. How can this new iterateraition of an old threat get by up to date
real-time anti virus scanners? I’ve now seen it infect systems running up to date Avast and also Micro Trend Officescan. I would image it has passed through others.It will continue to do so, for sometime.
From what I understand, this is the same crap as XP Antivirus 2007 and2008. Also have read that it morphs into Antivirus VIP. Anyway, I’m mainly confused as to how it it bypassing scanners? I suspect (because
t’s an application which morphs alot. Not completely mind you, butmenough to fool most programs out there. We have spent alot of time researching the software, so Malwarebytes tends to get almost all versions on the first try. I am aware of some new variant that’s floating around, but It’s just a matter of time before we nail it’s ass to the wall too.
I was not present when the infection occurred) that when an infectedweb page popped up a message to click on a link to download a repair for the poor users infected system, that they clicked on it and {purposely} installed the virus. But still, it seems to disable resident scanners.
The user was probably tricked into downloading this to “fix” his/her pcfrom some bogus errors the website told them they had. And yes, oneparticular variant is pretty harsh on symantec and a few others.
real-time anti virus scanners? I’ve now seen it infect systems running up to date Avast and also Micro Trend Officescan. I would image it has passed through others.It will continue to do so, for sometime.
From what I understand, this is the same crap as XP Antivirus 2007 and2008. Also have read that it morphs into Antivirus VIP. Anyway, I’m mainly confused as to how it it bypassing scanners? I suspect (because
t’s an application which morphs alot. Not completely mind you, butmenough to fool most programs out there. We have spent alot of time researching the software, so Malwarebytes tends to get almost all versions on the first try. I am aware of some new variant that’s floating around, but It’s just a matter of time before we nail it’s ass to the wall too.
author is renowned Internet Marketing Experts
is provided free in internet
author is renowned Internet Marketing Experts
is provided free in internet
have this popping up like crazy and totally taking over my conmputer!!I have ran my antivirus (AVG 8), I have ran “spy-bot”, I have ran “pestpatrol”,I have ran “PCBug doctor”….but nothing seems to help.does anyone know how to rid a system of this? I have also went into add/remove programs and its not in there….HELP!! thanks…..pennieHow can this new iterateraition of an old threat get by up to date
real-time anti virus scanners? I’ve now seen it infect systems running up to date Avast and also Micro Trend Officescan. I would image it has passed through others.It will continue to do so, for sometime.
From what I understand, this is the same crap as XP Antivirus 2007 and2008. Also have read that it morphs into Antivirus VIP. Anyway, I’m mainly confused as to how it it bypassing scanners? I suspect (because
It’s an application which morphs alot. Not completely mind you, but enough to fool most programs out there. We have spent alot of time researching the software, so Malwarebytes tends to get almost all versions on the first try. I am aware of some new variant that’s floating around, but It’s just a matter of time before we nail it’s ass to the wall too.
I was not present when the infection occurred) that when an infected web page popped up a message to click on a link to download a repair for the poor users infected system, that they clicked on it and {purposely} installed the virus. But still, it seems to disable resident scanners.
The user was probably tricked into downloading this to “fix” his/her pc from some bogus errors the website told them they had. And yes, one particular variant is pretty harsh on symantec and a few others.
real-time anti virus scanners? I’ve now seen it infect systems running up to date Avast and also Micro Trend Officescan. I would image it has passed through others.It will continue to do so, for sometime.
From what I understand, this is the same crap as XP Antivirus 2007 and2008. Also have read that it morphs into Antivirus VIP. Anyway, I’m mainly confused as to how it it bypassing scanners? I suspect (because
It’s an application which morphs alot. Not completely mind you, but enough to fool most programs out there. We have spent alot of time researching the software, so Malwarebytes tends to get almost all versions on the first try. I am aware of some new variant that’s floating around, but It’s just a matter of time before we nail it’s ass to the wall too.
author is renowned Internet Marketing Experts
is provided free in internet
author is renowned Internet Marketing Experts
is provided free in internet
San Francisco, Calif. â June 30, 2009 â Coverity®, the software integrity company, today announced that it has been named to the 2009 SD Times 100 in recognition of its leadership in application security. The SD Times 100 recognizes companies, non-commercial organizations and other influencers for their innovation and leadership within industry categories that most broadly “set the agenda” for software development managers, developers, and the software development industry during the past calendar year.
âSD Times 100 winnersâ products and services advance the art of software developmentâ, said Alan Zeichick, editorial director, SD Times. âLeadership and innovation canât be measured by stock valuations or analyst reports. The SD Times 100 represents what we believe to be the best of the best. We looked for companies that have determined a direction that developers follow and that set the industry agenda.â
Coverity provides advanced software integrity and source code analysis technology that removes the barriers to writing and delivering high integrity software. Development teams at more than 600 customer sites rely on Coverity to automatically find and help to eliminate quality, security and performance problems early in the Software Development Life Cycle (SDLC).
Coverityâs flagship solution, the Coverity Integrity Center, helps ensure application security in the design, code, build and test phases of the software development process. It combines powerful architecture, build, static and dynamic analysis capabilities that enable development teams to decrease cost, accelerate time-to-market, reduce risk and ensure compliance.
âWe are pleased the SD Times staff has recognized Coverity for reshaping the way developers eliminate security risks in the software that runs their products, systems, and businesses,â said Dave Peterson, CMO at Coverity. âThere is a clear shift to attacking software security problems early in the lifecycle to avoid costly rework created by late stage security audit reviews and testing. Coverity is unique in the application security market because our technology identifies vulnerabilities in the design, development, build and delivery stage of software development â enabling our customers to realize millions in cost savings.â
For more information on Coverity, please visit http://www.coverity.com.
About Coverity
Coverity (www.coverity.com), the software integrity company, is the trusted standard for companies that have a zero tolerance policy for software failures, problems, and security breaches. Coverityâs award winning portfolio of software integrity products helps customers prevent software problems throughout the application lifecycle. Over 100,000 developers and 600 companies rely on Coverity to help them ensure the delivery of superior software. Coverity is a privately held company headquartered in San Francisco with offices in 6 countries.
About SD Times
BZ Mediaâs SD Times® (www.sdtimes.com) is the twice-monthly newspaper of record for the software development industry. SD Times reaches more than 60,000 subscribers in 131 countries. SD Times was recognized by Media Business Magazine as the fastest-growing IT publication in 2007.
Coverity and Coverity Prevent are trademarks of Coverity, Inc. All other company and product names are the property of their respective owners.
Contacts:
Jim Shissler
Director, Marketing
Coverity
jshissler@coverity.com
+1 415-694-5342
Coverity, Inc.
Tags: 2009, application, Coverity®, INNOVATION, Named, security, times
Introduction
During the Cold War, Latin America, Southern Africa and even the dynamic Southeast Asia hardly figured in international politics. Studies on the Cold War politics and the scramble for security in other parts of the world, particularly in the industrial West mostly overlooked the Third World countries and their quest for security. Even after the Cold War ended, Third World security predicaments remain because of the existence of a very complex balance of power that is often precariously balanced. The current phase of the globalisation, as Kenichi Ohmae (1990; 1993; 1996) puts it, has become a ‘borderless world’ where economic forces and free trade have become the main theme of international relations. In such a situation, the Third World countries often have to play awkward balancing acts. This article is therefore an attempt to look into this Third World security predicament at three analytical levels – the international system, the regional and state levels. This analysis is done using three important regional organisations in the Third World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. This is an attempt to reveal how security politics and regional integration are interrelated and intertwined in the Third World. In the process, it will contribute to our understanding of how these regional organisations cope and deal with security issues with the current phase of globalisation.
What is security?
Security in international politics is a moot point, and it remains so to date. For a very long time, the traditional thinking had been that “the state is and should be about security, with emphasis on military and political security” (Buzan et al 1998:37). This notion of security has been prevalent since the Westphalian peace of 1648 where the concept of the nation state was created. This view became more important during the twentieth Century with the two World Wars and the consequent Cold War that lasted for almost five decades. Following the end of the Cold War, the scope of security in academic studies has been changed with many “wideners” who argued that the subject needed to embrace a more varied range of threats and move beyond the traditional emphasis on the military aspects of security for the state. Such changes in perception have created debates between those still subscribing to the traditional thinking and those who wanted to “widen” the definition of security so as to include other nonmilitary threats too.[1]
Security in the Third World
Since 1945, many of the most significant threats to state security have become internal rather than external, a shift which has profound consequences for international relations. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes, security between states in the Third World “has become increasingly dependent on security within those states.” For the Third World states, security does not simply refer to the external military threat dimension but also to the whole range of the state’s existence which includes internal security and nation building; secure systems of food, health, economy, trade and environment (Thomas 1987). The Third World states, like all states are concerned with their own security, internal and external. But as they are mostly poor, underdeveloped and postcolonial, Third World states inherited their colonial economies, political structures and security perceptions. Some are pre-modern and weak, characterised by low levels of sociopolitical cohesion and poorly developed structures of government. The securities of these states are therefore shaped by these characteristics. To the authoritarian governments of the Third World, security also means countering internal subversion and keeping internal order at any cost.
The next three sections will deal with security politics and regional integration in the Third World mostly through the different dimensions of security at three analytical levels – the international, regional and state levels. Where appropriate, the security dimensions will include the military, political, economic, societal and environmental sectors.[2] Besides these dimensions, security concerns are located in both the external and internal dimensions. As mentioned before, this analysis will be done looking at how the three regional organisations of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC deal with security issues.
The International System
The Cold War Period
The politics of the Cold War had dominated the working of the international system for a major part of the second half of the twentieth century. It is interesting to note that while the Third World states were unimportant in the global balance of power and hardly figured in the security agendas of Western policy-makers, the prevailing bipolar system and the preoccupation of the Western powers with the spread of communism and its containment exacerbated conflicts in the Third World. While conflicts in the core and strategic areas of Europe and North America were avoided, the Cold War turned out to be a hot one in and for the Third World states where the superpowers played the game of international politics. The Vietnam War was the clearest result and example.
The intensity of the Vietnam War and the increasing involvement of the Soviet Union and the growing threat to regional security led ASEAN to adopt a nonaligned policy. The Vietnam War continued to strain members’ relationships and threaten regional security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam worsened the situation. By 1976, ASEAN was forced to contemplate being an association with security as its predominant concern. Thus at the February 1976 Bali Summit Meeting, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord were signed. They agreed to “The right of every state to lead its national existence; free from external interference, subversion or coercion; non interference in the internal affairs of one another; settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful means; and the renunciation of the threat or use of force” (ASEAN 1976). The reunification of Vietnam, the worsening internal security problems and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to another security dilemma for ASEAN during the mid-1970s. Negotiations followed during which time ASEAN’s importance as a regional organisation to settle disputes and maintain security was widely recognised. Vietnam withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 and the Vietnam War was concluded by the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement.
Meanwhile, the southern African security problem during the Cold War was exacerbated by the presence of apartheid South Africa, a regime which also adopted a strong anticommunist policy and came out harshly against any socialist orientations. Angola and Mozambique, having chosen this path, were particularly targeted. During the 1950s and more in the 1960s, the South African Defence Force (SADF) developed a national security doctrine (Total Strategy) stressing the psychological, social and economic means to target its enemies, in addition to the military means. The South African government established a framework for implementing policies which completely cut across all sectors of public life, called the National Security Management System. Louis Nel, then South African Deputy Foreign Minister, said in November 1982, “The Kremlin has actively supported the southern African Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movements in their quest for power in Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe. The Kremlin is currently backing SWAPO, the South African ANC and the South African Communist Party who operate against SWA/Namibia and the Republic of South Africa, respectively” (Quoted in Hanlon 1986: 8). Using such words had two advantages – the policy of apartheid could be seen as communist-inspired and it demanded Western support as it was a bulwark against the communist onslaught (Hanlon 1986: 8).
The United States, being a great power, recognises Latin America as being under its sphere of influence. Beginning mostly with the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 when the US President James Monroe warned the European powers to keep out of the Americas, the US has, in effect, reserved the right to exert influence and interfere in Latin America. This has been a policy factor for the US as well as many Latin American countries for a long time. The Cold War also cut Latin American countries (LAC) from the possibility of relations with other regions. As a result, many of the countries of the region lessened their dependence on the superpowers. It was the UN Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) that shaped much of the South American regionalism. This can be seen as an indirect opposition to the superpower hegemony. Contrary to Europe, this part of the world has been relatively peaceful until the 1960s when the Cold War became a hot one with the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. While several interstate wars erupted after the 1960s, the real security problem for Latin America was the Cold War, with the countries of the region progressively becoming an American zone of influence. Since the 1960s, the United States had increasingly intervened militarily in its own backyard and installed puppet governments.
The Cold War also ushered a dangerous arms and nuclear race. In the face of such a threat, in 1971, a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) Declaration was signed by member states of ASEAN. This Declaration can be seen as a reaction to the emerging multipolarity of the region with the USSR, US, China and Japan as the principal powers influencing events in Southeast Asia. Likewise, through the Foz de Iguazu Declaration of November 1985, Brazil and Argentina declared that their nuclear programs were to be for peaceful purposes only. Such action on the part of Third World states can be seen as their desire to keep away from the Cold War politics of interferences and aggressions from the superpowers that destabilise the Third World regions.
Post-Cold War Period
The decline of the Soviet Union and the change in the bipolar world had more immediate effects for the Third World. It witnessed the emergence of the United States as the sole superpower which has become even more powerful with time.
Politically, the end of the Cold War resulted in the removal of support for many Third World states and movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union has discredited the alternative model and ideology represented by the Soviet Union. This in turn affected many movements and supports in many Third World states including members of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. Economically, it has also resulted in changes in the direction of trade and businesses. The military dimension also produces the same result of redirection of arms trade, transfers and dealings. The post Cold War world, epitomised by the great power influence of the US, its involvement in Third World problems and conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan etc.), besides the complex web of international relations has and will continue to have an impact on Third World security and their regional integration processes. For the Third World countries, security concern has become more multifarious after the Cold War as it has become subject to more complex pulls and pressures.
Post-9/11 Period
The world entered into a new period of insecurity and threats after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the events that followed. Soon after, the United States launched a movement and led a coalition to remove the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The attacks also led to the introduction of “anti-terrorism” legislation in many countries including the United Kingdom, India, Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, China, Canada, Russia, Pakistan, Jordan, Mauritius, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This has brought to a close the transitional phase that followed the end of the Cold War (Wenger and Zimmerman 2003: 1).
For a long time, states and regional organisations had ignored and did not regard terrorism as a priority. While this is true for most states, it is particularly more so in the Third World countries where poverty, diseases, domestic conflicts and hunger had been seen as the immediate issues to be addressed. But this threat had been becoming more a problem for every state mostly beginning from the bombings in Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Casablanca in 1999, Bali bombings, attacks in Britain, Egypt, Yemen, Argentina in 1992 and 1994 and other threats and attacks in all parts of the world. Terrorism can no longer be treated as a Western concern. It has become an international security issue where regional organisation must provide a coherent response so that the integration process and inter and intra regional trade will not be hampered by such threats.
The Regional Level
When ASEAN was formed, despite their policy of nonalignment, some members still had official alignments with the US and Great Britain. The fact was that member countries were solely responsible for their own security. Thus, much of the political and strategic alliances with other countries took place outside ASEAN’s structures. After its establishment, ASEAN was seen by the communist bloc as nothing more than a “western-inspired military alliance directed against China and the Indo-Chinese states” (Dixon 1999: 118). True, during much of the Cold War and after, China has been viewed as a major security threat by ASEAN members, which is why most ASEAN states want to see the US remain as a regional power. Many of them feel that US disengagement will create a power vacuum that would be filled by either China or Japan. But ASEAN members’ relation with China has improved considerably since the end of the Cold War. This new relationship with China was reflected in the ASEAN Meeting of 1997. It was held in Beijing. This new understanding was because the ASEAN leaders began to recognise the political and economic benefits of closer ties with China easily outweigh any military risks.
The end of the apartheid regime in South Africa, the formation of the SADC and its attempt to reconcile differences between erstwhile states of divergent policies and regimes were significant developments for southern African security. At the Gaborone Summit of 1996 of the SADC heads of government and state, the SADC Organ on Politics, Defense and Security (OPDS) was launched. For the first time since the SADC was established, the region now had stable regional security architecture. The Inter-State Defense and Security Committee (ISDSC) which had been established in 1994 was incorporated into the newly found OPDS. In 2003, a Mutual Defence Pact was signed by SADC members. This was an official commitment by SADC to function as a collective defence organisation. While “International terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction… play as good as no role at all in the region” (Steinhilber 2006:11), the problem of HIV/AIDS is a big concern for all African states. This creates instability and as a result affects regional integration. The HIV/AIDS epidemic has been a major factor and issue that raises a big concern for southern African states at present. This problem is clearly reflected in the statement of Prega Ramsamy (2001: 35), the former Secretary-General of the SADC when he said that, “the [HIV/AIDS] pandemic continues to escalate in our Community. Available statistics indicate that the rates of infected people in the region could be as high as one in five in some member states. At least four member states have rates higher than 400 per 100,000 population indicating the magnitude of the problem.” The SADC members have committed themselves to collectively fight the HIV/AIDS epidemic in an urgent manner (SADC 2003).
Improved relations, the changed security agendas and the process of democratisation in Latin America since the late 1980s and early 1990s have led to a newly shared perception of a vision for Latin America. The Treaty of Asunción established MERCOSUR in March 1991. With the admission of Bolivia and Chile, MERCOSUR expanded to represent 230 million inhabitants, that is, 45 per cent of the population of Latin America. Though the countries of the southern cone do not face much external threats, closer economic ties and open borders often cause security problems for their neighbours. As the military has taken new tasks, the problem is whether a balance is maintained between member countries in matters of security responsibilities and management. Argentina and Brazil are also opposed to the idea of the institutionalisation of the conference of American defense ministers. This explicitly implies that they are against a continental security system. Though they explain that the countries of the continent are too different, it can also imply that the two most powerful states in the Southern Cone desire to wield their influence on other members of the MERCOSUR and on the functioning of the regional integration arrangement itself. Paraguay and Uruguay favour a joint manoeuvre and want an advisory body for this purpose because they are afraid that Argentina and Brazil could use their nuclear technology for their own ends despite nuclear treaties. Brazil is also said to have its own nuclear project. Chile meanwhile opted to have an autonomous defense policy. On the economic front, the MERCOSUR countries are yet to achieve security – the Brazilian Real devaluation of 1999 and other financial crises in Argentina and Brazil being cases in point. These crises have even led the MERCOSUR members to question its existence.
The State Level
An analysis of Third World security at the state level encounters enormous problems because of the vast dimensions of security and differences in the perceptions and conditions in these states. Security for these states always goes beyond the common issue of the state’s ability to protect its resources and borders and involves the dimensions of food, environment, economy, elites, society, culture and the legitimacy and survival of the states and regimes. In other words, the whole dimensions of military, political, economic, societal and environmental securities are all equally important for the Third World. In recent years, the problem of transnational crime, drug trafficking and terrorism have also added to the security dilemma of these states.
Firstly, the role played by the armed forces is vital for regimes and governments in ensuring and maintaining their sovereignty, ideology and legitimacy. This political role of the military in the Third World coupled with the weakness of government institutions have led armed groups and the paramilitary forces to gain more power and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups after military coups have happened because of the extremely powerful political position that the military enjoyed. In Indonesia too, the longevity of regimes depended on controlling the military. The military has also been used to gain more power even illegitimately. This in turn leads to the use of more military might against opposition forces leading to the deaths of thousands. This type of military adventurism and use of the military is particularly widespread in Africa. For example, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia decided to take part in an intervention operation in the DRC to fight against rebel forces. This intervention happened based on the request of President Laurent Kabila who came to power through military force. In most parts of the world, the militarisation of these problems and the new role that the military began to play ironically led to more insecurity for the civilian population. Such roles as played by the military could bring them into contact with the civilian population and increase the chances of human rights violations. It could also bring them into direct confrontation with the people (Pion-Berlin 2000). But as a whole, the political role that the military played had immensely reduced since the process of democratisation began.
In addition to the secessionist movements, ethnic violence and internal unrest, the states of ASEAN are susceptible to economic crises and are economically unstable. Monetary security has not been achieved. For example, the Thai economy underwent a severe economic crisis during the 1970s and early 1980s that led the economy to the verge of collapse. Several reforms were initiated under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank through which the Thai economy slowly recovered. The Asian Crisis of the late 1990s also had severe effects on the economies of these states.
Environmentally, over exploitation of resources and the limited concern paid to the environment has now been the subject of international dispute and one in which regional organisations are now more involved. As the ECLA (2001) stated, “The environment has played an important role in the production of resource-based commodities as well as in the provision of food and other amenities for the population. Nevertheless, an integral relationship between economic and social development and the environment did not form the basis for development strategies and policies pursued in the Caribbean. Since the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations, the importance of environment to trade and development has become generally accepted. However, developing countries have been concerned about proposals to bring environment and labour standards within the purview of the WTO. This was part of the reason for the failure to launch a new round of trade negotiations in Seattle in 2000. Environmental issues were again on the agenda at the Doha Ministerial meeting in November 2001.”
Integration and Security
From what has been said above, security and its perception, for many of the Third World states continue to be the main source of strain for any regional integration movements. During the Cold War, the international system had created a condition that led to the emergence of internal strife and, sometimes, wars. Such ill effects destroyed the thin fabric that holds Third World countries in their endeavour to come together.
The very nature of the ASEAN Way of noninterference, multilateral consultations can also be modified to a more useful and practical way. Instead of ignoring the underlying problems and skirting the issues, they must be directly addressed. Of course, sovereignty of a member should be respected, but as a regional organisation, it is also its responsibility to effectively deal with a member’s problems in a constructive way. Linked to all of these is the problem that ASEAN regionalism faced. It lacked in capacity and resources. These limitations are augmented by charter constraints which accord a high priority to principles like sovereignty and noninterference. In such a situation, prospects for cooperation are further reduced. Even as ASEAN had “come to be regarded as one of the most successful experiments in regionalism in the developing world” (Acharya 1993: 3), ASEAN Way or ASEAN’s informal process of noninterference has come under severe criticism. Because of these reasons, some have commented that its “central purpose seemed to consist in concealing fundamental differences of view among its members under the guise of consensus and non-interference” and that “The ASEAN Way” did not deal with underlying tensions; it simply ignored them” (Jones and Smith 2002: 103, 108).
The Southern African scenario was quite different from that of ASEAN. For many years, the SADCC member states had faced the brunt of South Africa’s ‘Total Strategy’ of destabilisation and blackmail. From the 1990s, new hopes emerged within the region. But hope and reality often go their separate ways. Therefore, for the SADC to continue as a strong regional organisation, the SADC Organ on Politics, Defense and Security Cooperation (OPDSC) should not be allowed to function as its predecessor, the OPDS. Members’ suspicion of each other can be removed through a series of confidence building measures, and the adoption of a system of shared leadership. For the OPDSC to be effective, it needs to adopt a concept of security that takes into account military, political, social, economic and environmental issues. Mutual suspicion still remains in southern Africa that led to diverse perception of security. Southern African states have not yet shared common values and visions too. An optimistic outcome that can be ascertained from the Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation and the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) is that the SADC seem to have abandoned the narrow view of security that was prevalent during the Cold War period. Its agenda now includes both the politico-military threats (inter-state war, internal war, large-scale human rights abuses, war crimes against humanity, genocide, coups d’état and other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor governance and abuse of power, dangers of instability accompanying political transition periods and attacks on democratic institutions) and non-military threats (food security, mass movements of refugees, illegal migrants, humanitarian and natural disasters, disease, poverty and underdevelopment and ecological degradation) (Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another major issue for southern Africa in recent times has been the problem of AIDS/HIV. Interaction and cooperation between people, individual, parties, leaders and government will help a great deal. It is now up to the states to gather pace and start the process of confidence building and cooperation in the military, political, social, economic and cultural fields.
By the 1990s, many of the erstwhile interstate conflicts in Latin America (Argentina-Chile, Peru-Ecuador, El Salvador-Honduras, Chile-Peru) had been diplomatically resolved. The policies of rapprochements followed both by Brazil and Argentina had also paid dividends leading to the eventual formation of MERCOSUR, one of the biggest economic groupings in the world, eventually representing 45% of the population of Latin America. Democratic institutions in Latin America being relatively new, they are weak in their structures paving the way for nonstate actors to wreak havoc (Steinhilber 2006: 7). The internal problems therefore include drugs trafficking, arms trafficking, organised crime, environment, natural disasters, social deprivation, transnational crime, guerrilla organisations, state dysfunction and counterrevolutionary violent activities that in many cases lead to militarisation and confrontations between groups. The key risk factors for Latin America after the Cold War are associated with lack of governance, instability, and weak democratic institutionalisation (Aravena 2004: 6). Let not the mere formation of MERCOSUR be the end. Instead of relying on mere rhetoric and ideologies, the member states must work collectively in a cooperative spirit and tackle these enormous problems head on.
As a whole, the regions of Southeast Asia, Southern Africa and South America have peculiar kinds of security concerns different from the Western idea of security. For them, security does not alone imply being safe from external threat and having a huge stockpile or arsenal; it also means being secured from internal subversion. It also means regime maintenance and continuance, secure systems of food, health, trade and development. All these problems are interlinked. These problems challenge the legitimacy of governments which in turn results in ineffective governments incapable of ensuring security for the people. But at the same time, no single organisation or model has managed to establish strong governance for these regions to achieve these goals satisfactorily. To create a new organisation to address these issues is out of the question. The existing ASEAN, SADC and MERCOSUR organisations can lead the way in improving relations while at the same time seeking ways to ensure security for the Third World states, provided that these organisations become more proactive and sincere in their activities.
END NOTES
[1] To read more on this, see Ullman (1983); Hirsch and Doyle (1977); Meadows et al (1972); Ruggie (1982); Walt (1991); Mearcheimer (1990); Ayoob (1997); Peterson and Sebenius (1992); Lynn-Jones and Miller (1995); Buzan (1991a); Buzan (1991b); Buzan et al (1998) and Wirtz (2002).
[2] This is derived from Buzan et al (1998)
REFERENCES
Acharya, Amitav (1993), A New Regional Order in South-East Asia: ASEAN in the Post-Cold War Era, Adelphi Paper 279, Oxford: Oxford University Press for International Institute for Strategic Studies.
Aravena, Francisco Rojas (2004), Security on the American Continent: Challenges, Perceptions and Concepts, Briefing Papers, May 2004, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Colombia.
ASEAN (1976), Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, Bali, 24 February 1976.
ASEAN (2002), Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, 2002.
Axworthy, Lloyd (1999), Human Security: Safety for People in a Changing World, Concept Paper, The Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 29 April 1999 [Online: web] Accessed 13 July 2006, URL: http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/foreignnp/HumanSecurity/secur-e.htm.
Ayoob, Mohammed (1997), “Defining Security: A Subaltern Realist Perspective,” in Keith Krause and Michael Williams (eds.) Critical Security Studies, Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press.
Bearman, Sidney et al. (eds.) (2001), “The Americas”, Strategic Survey 2000-2001, London: IISS, 2001, pp. 55-94.
Buzan, Barry (1991a), People, States and Fears: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post Cold War Era, 2nd Edition, Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner.
Buzan, Barry (1991b), “New Patterns of Global Security in the 21st Century,” International Affairs, Vol. 67 (3), pp. 431-451.
Buzan, Barry, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde (1998), Security: A New Framework for Analysis, Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner.
Dixon, Chris (1999), “Regional Integration in Southeast Asia”, in Jean Grugel and Wil Hout (eds) (1999), Regionalism Across the North-South Divide: State Strategies and Globalisation, London Routledge.
ECLA (2001), Trade, Environment and Development, Implications for Caribbean Countries, Economic Commission for Latin America and Caribbean, Report G.669, 2001.
Hammerstad, Anne (2005), “People, States and Regions,” in Anne Hammerstad (ed.) People, States and Regions: Building a collaborative security regime in Southern Africa, The South African Institute of International Affairs, pp. 1-21.
Hanlon, Joseph (1986), Beggar Your Neighbours, London: CIIR, James Currey.
Hirsch, F and Doyle M (1977), “Politisation in the World Economy: Necessary Conditions for an International Economic Order,” in F. Hirsh, Doyle M. and E. Morse (eds.) Alternatives to Monetary Disorder, New York: McGraw-Hill, pp. 11-66.
Holsti, Kalevi J. (1996), The State, War and the State of War, University of British Columbia, Vancouver: Cambridge Studies in International Relations Series No. 51.
Jones, David M. and Michael C. R. Smith (2002) ‘ASEAN’s Immitation Community,’ Orbis, 93-109.
Lynn-Jones, Stephen and Sean Miller (1995), Global Dangers: Changing Dimensions of International Security, Cambridge, MA: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.
Malik, J. Mohan (1992), “Patterns of Conflict and the Security Environment in the Asia-Pacific Region: the Post-Cold War Era”, in Malik, J. Mohan et al. Asian Defence Policies: Great Powers and Regional Powers (Book I), Geelong, Deakin University Press, 1992, pp. 33-52.
Matthews, Jessica (1989), “Redefining Security” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 68 (2) pp. 162-177.
Meadows, D et al (1972), The Limits of Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome’s Report on the Predicament of Mankind, New York: Potomac Associates.
Mearsheimer, John (1990), “Why We Will Soon Miss the Cold War,” The Atlantic Monthly, 226 (2), pp. 35-50.
Ohmae, Kenichi (1993) “The Rise of the Region State,” Foreign Affairs, Spring
Ohmae, Kenichi (1996) The End of the Nation State, New York: Touchstone
Ohmae, Kenichi (1990) The Borderless World, New York: Harper Collins
Peterson, Peter and James Sebenius (1992), “The Primacy of the Domestic Agenda,” in Graham Allison and Gregory Treverton (eds.) Rethinking America’s Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order, New York: WW Norton and Co. pp. 57-93.
Pion-Berlin, David (2000), “Will Soldiers Follow? Economic Integration and Regional Security in the Southern Cone”, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 42 no. 1, Spring 2000, pp. 43-69.
Ramsamy, Prega (2001), “SADC: The Way Forward,” in Christopher Clapham, Gregg Mills, Anna Morner and Elizabeth Sidiropolous (eds.) Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Comparative Perspectives, Johannesburg: South African Institute of International Affairs.
Ruggie, J. G. (1982), “International Regimes, Transactions and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,” International Organisation, Vol. 35 (2), pp. 379-415.
SADC (2003), SADC Declaration on HIV/AIDS, Maseru, Lesotho, 4 July 2003.
Steinhilber, Jochen (2006), “Bound to Cooperate? Security and Regional Cooperation,” Occasional Papers, September, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
Thomas, Caroline (1987), In Search of Security: The Third World in International Relations, Boulder, Colorado: Rienner.
Ullman, Richard (1983), “Redefining Security” International Security, Vol. 8 (1) pp. 129-153.
Wæver, Ole et al (eds) (1993), Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe, London: Pinter.
Walt, Stephen (1991), “The Renaissance of Security Studies,” International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 35 (2), pp. 211-239.
Wenger, Andreas and Doron Zimmerman (2003), International Relations: From the Cold War to the Globalized World, Boulder: Lynne Rienner.
Wirtz, James (2002), “A New Agenda for Security and Strategy,” in John Baylis et al (eds.) Strategy in the Contemporary World: An Introduction to Strategic Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
The author has a Ph. D. in International Politics from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
His areas of interest are Southeast Asia, Southern Africa and Latin America and writes mainly on the politics of regional integration in these areas. He also writes on issues pertaining to South Asia, particularly on India’s Northeast.
Tags: ASEAN, Integration, MERCOSUR, Politics, regional, SADC, security
SEZSaonli
Singur-Nandigram: SEZ: The Threat to Security [1]
[Author: Saonli Mitra; translation: Rama Kundu; from the original Bengali article published in Dainik Statesman, Kolkata, 27 & 28 May 2007]
//1//
It is frightening. We are so frightened! Is it being foolish! Yet one cannot help remembering , a few centuries ago European merchants had set up many small colonies in this our India. Owing to the political weakness of India, they gradually began to expand in size and power. Among all these outsiders who came to India initially for trade, how the British eventually emerged the strongest and usurped the whole country is a story known to us all. Many among those who have been ruling us today had been witness to at least the last phase of the British rule. They must have known from their own first hand experience that even after the British had left, the French, Dutch, Portugese colonies still remained in India. And those regions were autonomous. Even after India had become independent those regions continued to be autonomous subject to their own laws until these were completely merged with the federal state of India. Today, arrived at the twenty-first century we know very well that we do not have the best possible political integration; then , in view of this situation, would it be good for the country if we hand over different regions of the country to foreign investors in the name of SEZ? Would it really bring ‘development’?
During the last few years the food distribution situation in West Bengal have reached a miserable condition. Furthermore, how can we claim that there is really no dearth of food? The ‘foundation’ about which the government has been making a lot of fanfare—is it really that strong foundation? People died in Amlashol for starvation. We didn’t care. Every now and then news appear on papers about the extreme poverty of Purulia. The government either disowns them or dismisses them as isolated events. Recently a similar event has taken place in Chaklatorh of the same district. This time too the administration has shamelessly distorted it. The government report records the death of one Ramprasad dan Modak of the village, but not as a case of starvation death; the report claims that as a result of taking ‘khichuri’ he has died of acute gastro-enteritis. This is the report, they say, that has been submitted by the state health department . Several features have appeared in dailt newspapers on the tea-gardens of North Bengal—how people are dying of hunger there. The administration says, the teagarden labours have a very dirty life style; so they catch infection and die of various diseases; besides they are also alcoholics, and alcohol is the cause of most of these deaths. How man can insult man, with what callousness! I personally have been to poor slums, have seen their clean kitchens. Besides, what about the children who are dying there? Are they too dying of excess alcohol consumption? What unjust abuse they can hurl and how casually, without caring to have a thought! It seems just saying something is enough; it does not matter what one says. Yet these people are suffering from tuberculosis , or severe anemia , — all caused by starvation. This suppressing the fact of death by starvation, or just simply ignoring it—doesn’t this abet to our danger? Debabrata Bandyopadhyay has expressed precisely this anxiety—if going this way we are not heading for some largescale famine. The facts are certainly fearsome. Since the events of Singur this fear has also been haunting me. In spite of being city-dwellers we can guess what price we may have to pay for ruining such a huge fertile area of multicrop farmland, for rendering it perpetually barren. Then is it possible that those who determine the policy of the government fail to recognize this simple truth? Actually they do not want to recognize. But why? Why have they been telling so many lies?
The question is not just opting either in favour of industry or against it. It is not even a question of choice between small industry or big industry. It is perhaps a question of the security of the whole country. There is enough cause for the anxiety. The most important cause is the way the government deliberately practices a lack of transparency regarding its industrial policy. The second reason is the unimaginable discrepancy in the government’s declarations, and the blatant falsehood practiced by the government. They have been telling lies even while addressing the assembly. The third cause is the strange eagerness exhibited by the government towards forcibly snatching the land from the farmers and handing over the same at cheap price to billionaires; at the same time selling false dreams to the public in support of this unholy alliance. In view of all these causes, and noticing the government’s intolerance regarding all these matters , we feel frightened. The apprehension stirs, ‘Why’? Why so much! Furthermore, even after horrifying events like genocide have taken place here, why do not the capital investors beat retreat? Certainly they have been given some such assurance which has no connection with the gain or loss, happiness or misery with the common people of this country. The level of that commercial tie certainly corresponds to some other calculation. When so many people have been saying, let them be given some other land instead of the multi-crop land like Singur, in fact that kind of land is already there close at hand, then why must they occupy that very fertile land? To serve what noble purpose? In this case it is not only the government, but the industrialist too seems to have been bent on the same fixed obsession. Is it really a ‘prestige issue’? Or is there some other more mysterious deal and conspiracy? Where the wall has been broken again and again, set afire, the work of constructing the wall has been still going on at government’s expense [?] , and the proprietors too, in spite of knowing everything, sneakingly come to visit the acquired area every now and then, and subsequently issue certificate about the satisfactory pace of work—is all this quite natural? And our experience tells us that even after acquiring land for industry, the authorities have not shown any real interest in setting up industry there. There is no provision to protect the industries that have come up; the recent devastating fire bears witness to this. Such a big area had been acquired; yet no thought was spared for the possible threats—no water reservoir had been built which could easily control the fire. Doesn’t this strike anyone as extraordinary? Is this the expression of a positive desire for development? That’s why I say, before going into the debates for –or-against development , these questions should be addressed first.
Doesn’t this strike anyone, why is it only the fertile lands which are being specially ear-marked? Don’t we know this will affect our self-sufficiency in food? Since sometime ago we were being told that the base of agriculture has been firmly established, the work is over, and now we must direct our attention to heavy industry. But the actual data tell another story. According to a report of the central government for the year 2004-2005, West Bengal is at the top of those states where families in the rural area do not get a proper meal for several months in a year. 10.6% of the total population of this state does not get a full meal throughout the year. Orissa comes next in this list. There this count is 4.8%. The difference is amazing. One feels like asking, ‘Is it true after all?’ But this is the figure given by none other than Debabrata Bandyopadhyay, who can be considered an expert in the area. He also says, subsequent to ‘operation barga’ the agricultural development that had taken place in West Bengal was ‘quite enviable’. That developmental standard was maintained for the ten years from 1983 to 1993. But since 1994-95 a decline had set in. And the position of 2004-5 becomes evident in the report. Don’t we know that once self-sufficiency in food starts declining danger can set in from many corners. The serious form that starvation deaths have already assumed in the districts, along with the reluctance of the government to take any step in this regard—how can we rest assured that as a consequence of this some disastrous famine will not explode in near future? Furthermore, if in the interest of sudden introduction of heavy industry in an agriculture-oriented country, we go ahead without appropriate consideration of all the aspects of the situation, and deliberately ruin fertile cultivable land for any more cultivation in future, it involves the danger of radical change in the very quality of the soil. Geologist Subrata Singha has explained this in quite a number of his essays. The question, therefore, is not just whether one is in favour of industrialization or against it. The question is about a far bigger damage. If we evade this question today that will be committing a great blunder. We’ll have to pay for that blunder through succeeding generations.
And it is in view of these thoughts that the extremely accelerated changes – in politics, economics, culture—lead to a deep apprehension. The sense of a kind of insecurity overwhelms us. One recalls the annuls of history, the message—that ‘history frequently repeats itself’. (1552 words)
[2]
A few days ago I came across a valuable discussion on SEZ in a little magazine. There was a hint in one of the essays which startled me. With every passing day that hint seems to be so true indeed! Modernisation of airport, floating dock, flyover, shining national highways, attempt to turn hilly paths to modern highways by ignoring all rules of safety and natural factors, night-club, health club, food park, special economic zone, retail shop—why such huge arrangements? And we should not also forget that all this had started way back in 1994, during the reign of Jyoti Basu as the chief minister.
If we just think of the geographical shape of West Bengal, we can also note how close the frontier is to the districts of North Bengal. Nepal, Bhutan, even China , — all are quite close to this region. Since the opening of the Nathula pass frontier has been more accessible. Given this situation, if thousands and thousands of acres of land are handed over to multinational or foreign capitalists, won’t it pose a threat to our national security? We know since a long time what kind of smuggling is carried on in Siliguri town itself. Everything from foreign consumer goods to drugs, and even arms are sold and bought there. Not only Siliguri, there are several other such dens in North Bengal. About these the administration never utters a word– neither the administration of the district, nor those of the state government , or centre. Year after year this has been going on. To whose hands have they been surrendering the districts of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri? Chandmoni has already been thrown to the wolves by being handed over to housing projects. Phulbari ids waiting in the line; there thousand acres of land have been earmarked for that particular economic zone. Who are they, coming to survey the land by helicopter? What is up their sleeves? Are we being allowed any information about these happenings? Can’t we understand, that by building so many roads upon the hills we have been inviting grave consequences generally for a large number of people? It is being propagated that the market for tea industry is not that good any more; just like the other propaganda that development cannot be achieved through agriculture. We had been to Siliguri where we met people in an expanded meeting, and we had learnt directly what a lie was being spread about the market of tea industry. And it is on this pretext that the tea-gardens are being treated with extreme apathy, thereby pushing the labourers in the tea-gardens toward disastrous death; similarly, we are afraid, the threat to our country’s security is also being ignored. Because in the proposed SEZs the laws of the country will not be operative. They will follow their own law. Consequently each zone will devise its own set of laws. The police or the law of the state will not be effective there. Is it a healthy plan? Especially when in the name of eco-tourism, private housing , etc, efforts are going on to hand over enormous stretches of land to privileged outsiders? Disturbances are daily features of the frontier area. We hear of rackets—rackets of flesh trade and trade in illegal arms – which are supposed to be so powerful in this Bengal, especially under the systematic patronage of political mafia, that it is beyond the police to nab them. Smuggling, trade in illicit liquor go on undisturbed. How many more activities go on alongside we have no idea. And cases of murder and revenge in connection with these illicit trades are part of the daily routine of this area. The goons attached to various parties get various facilities thanks to their utility value in heinous political conspiracies. Sometimes on the basis of such events some ‘stories’ get published here and there. Then eventually it subsides. The government too takes no step. If these illegal activities were stopped and an adequate superstructure for agriculture was created the common man could have been benefited so much!
Is the South Bengal very secure either? In order to come down from the north to the south, one has to cross the district of Nadia. Any reader who reads just the newspaper with an open mind can have an idea of the desperate illegal activities that are being carried on in places like Krishnanagar, Ranaghat, Mayapur of this district. One needs no specialization for this. It can also be guessed from the newspaper that flesh trade,– the count in the smuggling of women—is very high in Nadia and North 24-Parganas. Recently it appears that ‘Sex Tourism’ too has come up in the agenda of our rulers as an important project. It can be seen that the Border Security Force fires shots on the occasion of stray cattle thefts, but the activities of the dark underworld go on expanding without hindrance. We know several plots of land in this area have been earmarked for acquisition. So it is in Malda, where the barbed wire of the frontier is visible everywhere. The situation of the South 24-Parganas is even more critical. In this district land is being acquired at Kulpi, Baruipur, and reportedly in some other area as well. Particularly in Kulpi it is going to be a SEZ. It is reported that a floating dock will be built at the initiative of the executives of the SEZ. Has the sea-route become so ignoble that the land at the estuary of the river has to be given away to SEZ! Won’t it affect our national security? A similar threat has been haunting the port area of Medinipore. Why must they have the ‘chemical hub’ precisely at Nandigram? And that too under the total control of foreign agencies? What is the guarantee that no serious damage will be done by using /abusing the Haldia port? Why must they install the Nuclear Power Project at Haripur, near the sea? Our apprehension and mistrust were sparked off by these very projects. Subsequently it opened our eyes to other related threats. It is common knowledge that the main purpose of installing nuclear power project is related to the production of nuclear arms. And this is going to be done under foreign supervision. We have heard that those who have been invited to set up the ‘chemical hub’ are the farm that produced the infamous napalm bomb. They too are scheduled to work on the land that’ll be gifted to the Salim group. Their work will start inside the special economic zone. And why this chemical hub? Nobody tells anything clearly about this. Both the State and the Central governments have been declaring their firm decision every now and then—chemical hub will be, must be; nuclear power project will be, must be. If not at Haripura then it will come up in some adjacent place. The Nandigram villagers are causing trouble? O. Kay ! There is Khejuri nearby. Albeit the representative of the Salim group says, they are thinking precisely of Nandigram, no other location has been mentioned in their negotiations with the government. About Haripur too it is the same situation.
Don’t we feel frightened? Because, in this case it is not only the state , but the centre too is quite eager. They decisively want the chemical hub or the nuclear project to be set up even if it affects the collection of revenue. Those who will be given land for SEZ will not have to pay either income tax or service tax, at least for the next ten years. The expenses they will incur towards setting up the infrastructure will also be totally exempted from tax. They will install their own device to meet their electricity requirement, and for that they will not have to pay anything to the government. By allowing them similar countless concessions, by forcibly uprooting and dispossessing the peasants from their land and habitation and handing over that land to foreign capitalists—is this being motivated by the thought of the ‘development’ of the country? Why this mad rush ignoring all the caution of the common people, nuclear scientists, agricultural scientists, social scientists of a democratic country? Perhaps are rulers are not too concerned on the question of security; otherwise such an annul of corruption would not have evolved around the defence ministry which is responsible for security.
I don’t know if this anxiety is unfounded. If unfounded, it is welcome for us all. But the anxiety is growing, because the facts tell us that since independence till 2000, in this our West Bengal 47 lakh acres of land has been acquired for various reasons, and that has affected 70 lakh people. Even after all this, and after having been under left rule for thirty years, recently we have been left on the threshold of this grim horror of SEZ! So we feel deeply frightened about security. We have not forgotten the danger this our country had been made to face by the Chinese aggression of 1962. [1507 words]
[Author: Saonli Mitra; translation: Rama Kundu; from the original Bengali article published in Dainik Statesman, Kolkata, 27 & 28 May 2007]
SEZSaonli
Singur-Nandigram: SEZ: The Threat to Security [1]
[Author: Saonli Mitra; translation: Rama Kundu; from the original Bengali article published in Dainik Statesman, Kolkata, 27 & 28 May 2007]
//1//
It is frightening. We are so frightened! Is it being foolish! Yet one cannot help remembering , a few centuries ago European merchants had set up many small colonies in this our India. Owing to the political weakness of India, they gradually began to expand in size and power. Among all these outsiders who came to India initially for trade, how the British eventually emerged the strongest and usurped the whole country is a story known to us all. Many among those who have been ruling us today had been witness to at least the last phase of the British rule. They must have known from their own first hand experience that even after the British had left, the French, Dutch, Portugese colonies still remained in India. And those regions were autonomous. Even after India had become independent those regions continued to be autonomous subject to their own laws until these were completely merged with the federal state of India. Today, arrived at the twenty-first century we know very well that we do not have the best possible political integration; then , in view of this situation, would it be good for the country if we hand over different regions of the country to foreign investors in the name of SEZ? Would it really bring ‘development’?
During the last few years the food distribution situation in West Bengal have reached a miserable condition. Furthermore, how can we claim that there is really no dearth of food? The ‘foundation’ about which the government has been making a lot of fanfare—is it really that strong foundation? People died in Amlashol for starvation. We didn’t care. Every now and then news appear on papers about the extreme poverty of Purulia. The government either disowns them or dismisses them as isolated events. Recently a similar event has taken place in Chaklatorh of the same district. This time too the administration has shamelessly distorted it. The government report records the death of one Ramprasad dan Modak of the village, but not as a case of starvation death; the report claims that as a result of taking ‘khichuri’ he has died of acute gastro-enteritis. This is the report, they say, that has been submitted by the state health department . Several features have appeared in dailt newspapers on the tea-gardens of North Bengal—how people are dying of hunger there. The administration says, the teagarden labours have a very dirty life style; so they catch infection and die of various diseases; besides they are also alcoholics, and alcohol is the cause of most of these deaths. How man can insult man, with what callousness! I personally have been to poor slums, have seen their clean kitchens. Besides, what about the children who are dying there? Are they too dying of excess alcohol consumption? What unjust abuse they can hurl and how casually, without caring to have a thought! It seems just saying something is enough; it does not matter what one says. Yet these people are suffering from tuberculosis , or severe anemia , — all caused by starvation. This suppressing the fact of death by starvation, or just simply ignoring it—doesn’t this abet to our danger? Debabrata Bandyopadhyay has expressed precisely this anxiety—if going this way we are not heading for some largescale famine. The facts are certainly fearsome. Since the events of Singur this fear has also been haunting me. In spite of being city-dwellers we can guess what price we may have to pay for ruining such a huge fertile area of multicrop farmland, for rendering it perpetually barren. Then is it possible that those who determine the policy of the government fail to recognize this simple truth? Actually they do not want to recognize. But why? Why have they been telling so many lies?
The question is not just opting either in favour of industry or against it. It is not even a question of choice between small industry or big industry. It is perhaps a question of the security of the whole country. There is enough cause for the anxiety. The most important cause is the way the government deliberately practices a lack of transparency regarding its industrial policy. The second reason is the unimaginable discrepancy in the government’s declarations, and the blatant falsehood practiced by the government. They have been telling lies even while addressing the assembly. The third cause is the strange eagerness exhibited by the government towards forcibly snatching the land from the farmers and handing over the same at cheap price to billionaires; at the same time selling false dreams to the public in support of this unholy alliance. In view of all these causes, and noticing the government’s intolerance regarding all these matters , we feel frightened. The apprehension stirs, ‘Why’? Why so much! Furthermore, even after horrifying events like genocide have taken place here, why do not the capital investors beat retreat? Certainly they have been given some such assurance which has no connection with the gain or loss, happiness or misery with the common people of this country. The level of that commercial tie certainly corresponds to some other calculation. When so many people have been saying, let them be given some other land instead of the multi-crop land like Singur, in fact that kind of land is already there close at hand, then why must they occupy that very fertile land? To serve what noble purpose? In this case it is not only the government, but the industrialist too seems to have been bent on the same fixed obsession. Is it really a ‘prestige issue’? Or is there some other more mysterious deal and conspiracy? Where the wall has been broken again and again, set afire, the work of constructing the wall has been still going on at government’s expense [?] , and the proprietors too, in spite of knowing everything, sneakingly come to visit the acquired area every now and then, and subsequently issue certificate about the satisfactory pace of work—is all this quite natural? And our experience tells us that even after acquiring land for industry, the authorities have not shown any real interest in setting up industry there. There is no provision to protect the industries that have come up; the recent devastating fire bears witness to this. Such a big area had been acquired; yet no thought was spared for the possible threats—no water reservoir had been built which could easily control the fire. Doesn’t this strike anyone as extraordinary? Is this the expression of a positive desire for development? That’s why I say, before going into the debates for –or-against development , these questions should be addressed first.
Doesn’t this strike anyone, why is it only the fertile lands which are being specially ear-marked? Don’t we know this will affect our self-sufficiency in food? Since sometime ago we were being told that the base of agriculture has been firmly established, the work is over, and now we must direct our attention to heavy industry. But the actual data tell another story. According to a report of the central government for the year 2004-2005, West Bengal is at the top of those states where families in the rural area do not get a proper meal for several months in a year. 10.6% of the total population of this state does not get a full meal throughout the year. Orissa comes next in this list. There this count is 4.8%. The difference is amazing. One feels like asking, ‘Is it true after all?’ But this is the figure given by none other than Debabrata Bandyopadhyay, who can be considered an expert in the area. He also says, subsequent to ‘operation barga’ the agricultural development that had taken place in West Bengal was ‘quite enviable’. That developmental standard was maintained for the ten years from 1983 to 1993. But since 1994-95 a decline had set in. And the position of 2004-5 becomes evident in the report. Don’t we know that once self-sufficiency in food starts declining danger can set in from many corners. The serious form that starvation deaths have already assumed in the districts, along with the reluctance of the government to take any step in this regard—how can we rest assured that as a consequence of this some disastrous famine will not explode in near future? Furthermore, if in the interest of sudden introduction of heavy industry in an agriculture-oriented country, we go ahead without appropriate consideration of all the aspects of the situation, and deliberately ruin fertile cultivable land for any more cultivation in future, it involves the danger of radical change in the very quality of the soil. Geologist Subrata Singha has explained this in quite a number of his essays. The question, therefore, is not just whether one is in favour of industrialization or against it. The question is about a far bigger damage. If we evade this question today that will be committing a great blunder. We’ll have to pay for that blunder through succeeding generations.
And it is in view of these thoughts that the extremely accelerated changes – in politics, economics, culture—lead to a deep apprehension. The sense of a kind of insecurity overwhelms us. One recalls the annuls of history, the message—that ‘history frequently repeats itself’. (1552 words)
[2]
A few days ago I came across a valuable discussion on SEZ in a little magazine. There was a hint in one of the essays which startled me. With every passing day that hint seems to be so true indeed! Modernisation of airport, floating dock, flyover, shining national highways, attempt to turn hilly paths to modern highways by ignoring all rules of safety and natural factors, night-club, health club, food park, special economic zone, retail shop—why such huge arrangements? And we should not also forget that all this had started way back in 1994, during the reign of Jyoti Basu as the chief minister.
If we just think of the geographical shape of West Bengal, we can also note how close the frontier is to the districts of North Bengal. Nepal, Bhutan, even China , — all are quite close to this region. Since the opening of the Nathula pass frontier has been more accessible. Given this situation, if thousands and thousands of acres of land are handed over to multinational or foreign capitalists, won’t it pose a threat to our national security? We know since a long time what kind of smuggling is carried on in Siliguri town itself. Everything from foreign consumer goods to drugs, and even arms are sold and bought there. Not only Siliguri, there are several other such dens in North Bengal. About these the administration never utters a word– neither the administration of the district, nor those of the state government , or centre. Year after year this has been going on. To whose hands have they been surrendering the districts of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri? Chandmoni has already been thrown to the wolves by being handed over to housing projects. Phulbari ids waiting in the line; there thousand acres of land have been earmarked for that particular economic zone. Who are they, coming to survey the land by helicopter? What is up their sleeves? Are we being allowed any information about these happenings? Can’t we understand, that by building so many roads upon the hills we have been inviting grave consequences generally for a large number of people? It is being propagated that the market for tea industry is not that good any more; just like the other propaganda that development cannot be achieved through agriculture. We had been to Siliguri where we met people in an expanded meeting, and we had learnt directly what a lie was being spread about the market of tea industry. And it is on this pretext that the tea-gardens are being treated with extreme apathy, thereby pushing the labourers in the tea-gardens toward disastrous death; similarly, we are afraid, the threat to our country’s security is also being ignored. Because in the proposed SEZs the laws of the country will not be operative. They will follow their own law. Consequently each zone will devise its own set of laws. The police or the law of the state will not be effective there. Is it a healthy plan? Especially when in the name of eco-tourism, private housing , etc, efforts are going on to hand over enormous stretches of land to privileged outsiders? Disturbances are daily features of the frontier area. We hear of rackets—rackets of flesh trade and trade in illegal arms – which are supposed to be so powerful in this Bengal, especially under the systematic patronage of political mafia, that it is beyond the police to nab them. Smuggling, trade in illicit liquor go on undisturbed. How many more activities go on alongside we have no idea. And cases of murder and revenge in connection with these illicit trades are part of the daily routine of this area. The goons attached to various parties get various facilities thanks to their utility value in heinous political conspiracies. Sometimes on the basis of such events some ‘stories’ get published here and there. Then eventually it subsides. The government too takes no step. If these illegal activities were stopped and an adequate superstructure for agriculture was created the common man could have been benefited so much!
Is the South Bengal very secure either? In order to come down from the north to the south, one has to cross the district of Nadia. Any reader who reads just the newspaper with an open mind can have an idea of the desperate illegal activities that are being carried on in places like Krishnanagar, Ranaghat, Mayapur of this district. One needs no specialization for this. It can also be guessed from the newspaper that flesh trade,– the count in the smuggling of women—is very high in Nadia and North 24-Parganas. Recently it appears that ‘Sex Tourism’ too has come up in the agenda of our rulers as an important project. It can be seen that the Border Security Force fires shots on the occasion of stray cattle thefts, but the activities of the dark underworld go on expanding without hindrance. We know several plots of land in this area have been earmarked for acquisition. So it is in Malda, where the barbed wire of the frontier is visible everywhere. The situation of the South 24-Parganas is even more critical. In this district land is being acquired at Kulpi, Baruipur, and reportedly in some other area as well. Particularly in Kulpi it is going to be a SEZ. It is reported that a floating dock will be built at the initiative of the executives of the SEZ. Has the sea-route become so ignoble that the land at the estuary of the river has to be given away to SEZ! Won’t it affect our national security? A similar threat has been haunting the port area of Medinipore. Why must they have the ‘chemical hub’ precisely at Nandigram? And that too under the total control of foreign agencies? What is the guarantee that no serious damage will be done by using /abusing the Haldia port? Why must they install the Nuclear Power Project at Haripur, near the sea? Our apprehension and mistrust were sparked off by these very projects. Subsequently it opened our eyes to other related threats. It is common knowledge that the main purpose of installing nuclear power project is related to the production of nuclear arms. And this is going to be done under foreign supervision. We have heard that those who have been invited to set up the ‘chemical hub’ are the farm that produced the infamous napalm bomb. They too are scheduled to work on the land that’ll be gifted to the Salim group. Their work will start inside the special economic zone. And why this chemical hub? Nobody tells anything clearly about this. Both the State and the Central governments have been declaring their firm decision every now and then—chemical hub will be, must be; nuclear power project will be, must be. If not at Haripura then it will come up in some adjacent place. The Nandigram villagers are causing trouble? O. Kay ! There is Khejuri nearby. Albeit the representative of the Salim group says, they are thinking precisely of Nandigram, no other location has been mentioned in their negotiations with the government. About Haripur too it is the same situation.
Don’t we feel frightened? Because, in this case it is not only the state , but the centre too is quite eager. They decisively want the chemical hub or the nuclear project to be set up even if it affects the collection of revenue. Those who will be given land for SEZ will not have to pay either income tax or service tax, at least for the next ten years. The expenses they will incur towards setting up the infrastructure will also be totally exempted from tax. They will install their own device to meet their electricity requirement, and for that they will not have to pay anything to the government. By allowing them similar countless concessions, by forcibly uprooting and dispossessing the peasants from their land and habitation and handing over that land to foreign capitalists—is this being motivated by the thought of the ‘development’ of the country? Why this mad rush ignoring all the caution of the common people, nuclear scientists, agricultural scientists, social scientists of a democratic country? Perhaps are rulers are not too concerned on the question of security; otherwise such an annul of corruption would not have evolved around the defence ministry which is responsible for security.
I don’t know if this anxiety is unfounded. If unfounded, it is welcome for us all. But the anxiety is growing, because the facts tell us that since independence till 2000, in this our West Bengal 47 lakh acres of land has been acquired for various reasons, and that has affected 70 lakh people. Even after all this, and after having been under left rule for thirty years, recently we have been left on the threshold of this grim horror of SEZ! So we feel deeply frightened about security. We have not forgotten the danger this our country had been made to face by the Chinese aggression of 1962. [1507 words]
[Author: Saonli Mitra; translation: Rama Kundu; from the original Bengali article published in Dainik Statesman, Kolkata, 27 & 28 May 2007]
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